U.S. needs
competitive industrial policy
China has a
manufacturing policy where the government and the
banks it owns assist development of manufacturing
locations and China purposefully works to manipulate
the value of their national currency, the yuan, on
world markets.
Japan includes
in their industrial plan an agreement, backed by the
government, between the Japanese auto workers union
and Japanese auto makers to build about 8 million
cars in Japan every year (before locating offshore).
Governments in
South America are taking more control of their oil
industries and governments all over Europe negotiate
trade agreements that protect their indigenous
agriculture and manufactured products and that also
act to protect their wage levels. In our country
the only national manufacturing/industrial policy we
have is to sign free trade agreements that cause the
outsourcing of our jobs to lower wage countries.
That lack of
concern by our federal government coupled with those
badly negotiated trade agreements have produced an
annual trade deficit of $726 Billion in 2005. That
means every day workers from other countries
sell us $2 billion worth of goods more than our
workers sell overseas. That overall trade imbalance
has accounted for the loss of over 2 million
manufacturing jobs in America since George Bush
became president. It is producing the hollowing out
of America’s manufacturing sector.
The loss of tens
of thousands of manufacturing establishments and
millions of experienced workers reinforces the
threat to our national security of our current trade
policies. All of these establishments and workers
were part of a greater industrial base that met both
commercial and defense needs. The factory floor
serves as a source of experimentation, innovation,
and product development. Many of the engineers,
scientists, and skilled workers who work on
commercial products one week are the same ones who
work on defense application the next. This vital
link between production and innovation, however, is
being cut as manufacturers move plants offshore.
To continue down
this path is near madness. The gutting of middle
America’s manufacturing base is occurring too
quickly, too comprehensively and too recklessly, to
be considered a healthy or natural “adjustment of
the marketplace economy.”
We must slow
down the critically harmful job loss while still
continuing to engage in global trade. We must raise
the level of concern for American workers while
still buying and selling goods and services with
other countries. And we must balance our country’s
and our community’s economic health with the need
for business profits.
How do we do
that? With a strategic plan. With a true American
industrial policy.
Clearly, the
first step is to stop signing and negotiating new
trade agreements based on the flawed NAFTA and CAFTA
models. While every new trade deal is presented as
a market-opening agreement, the reality is that each
new agreement just digs us deeper into the hole
we’re in. Our trade deficit with our NAFTA partners
has grown fourteenfold since we entered into NAFTA
in 1994, our deficit with China has more than
doubled since the grant of permanent normal trade
relations (PNTR) in 2000, and our global trade
deficit has grown eightfold since we helped create
the WTO in 1995. At some point, the rhetoric has to
come face to face with the reality that these
policies have simply failed. These deals reflect
precisely the wrong model for trade: excessive
protection of corporate rights and little concern
for workers, farmers and the environment.
The second step
is for the Bush Administration and Congress to start
enforcing our current trade laws effectively and to
stop giving tax and financial incentives to
corporations that ship jobs offshore. It is time for
the labor movement to lead on a bold course of
action: to levy a temporary import surcharge to help
bring our trade deficit under control, relying on
the balance of payments exception under WTO rules.
This is explicitly allowed under Article 12 of the
WTO, which allows countries to restrict imports in
order to “safeguard [their] external financial
position and [their] balance of payments.” The WTO
has written this exception into its rules precisely
because the international trade community
understands that severe imbalances in one country
ultimately threaten global economic stability.
Financier Warren Buffet proposed one version of such
a plan in a provocative article in Fortune
magazine. Billionaire Investor Wilbur Ross, who
refinanced the American steel industry and is now
putting together an auto supplier conglomerate, has
also begun calling for such a temporary tariff on
imported manufactured parts.
Third, we must
put in place adequate domestic policies to ensure
that America’s workers have the best training and
education in the world, and to ensure that displaced
workers have the income support, as well as the
training, to make necessary transitions. We can pay
for this through the WTO sanctioned tariff
collections.
Fourth, we must
ensure that our health care and retirement security
systems can accomplish our social objectives without
creating unnecessary competitive burdens for
companies struggling to survive in the global
economy. It is well past time for a national
healthcare plan to relieve competitive pressures on
American manufacturers. Now is also the critical
time to protect and rebuild the promise of worker’s
pensions, especially in the manufacturing sector.
Finally, When
the big 3 automakers meet next month with George
Bush our automakers should remind the President that
a national policy of industrial support helped save
Chrysler from bankruptcy. It is doing well today.
Although Bush has shown his disdain for our
manufacturing problems by canceling the first
scheduled meeting, these issues should be put on the
table. Then they should be implemented.